There are many documented reasons to utilize primary sources in your classroom. Perhaps one overlooked benefit is the particular pedagogical value derived from using primary sources in subjects for which you aren’t an expert. Teaching such courses happens often in small departments; for me it occurred in analysis areas such as differential equations or real analysis. While I could learn the content, without knowledge of the current state of a field it was difficult to create an engaging classroom. Developing historical modules deepened my understanding and appreciation of the material, and employing them in the classroom created the environment I was searching for. Of course, the implementation wasn’t without its challenges. Here I share some of the issues my students and I experienced, along with some (hopefully novel) ideas to address them.
Figure 1. Avoid getting tripped up by pitfalls that can arise from classroom use of primary sources such as
this work by Jacob Bernoulli by following the advice offered on the following pages. Jacob Bernoulli, “Explicationes,
annotationes et additiones ad ea quæ in Actis superiorum annorum de Curva Elastica, Isochrona Paracentrica,
& Velaria,” Acta Eruditorum (December 1695): 537–553, Internet Archive, and Clipground, CC BY 4.0 DEED.
In 2005, I was a newly-minted algebraic geometry PhD who had earned a job at a small liberal arts school with two senior algebraists already on staff. Not surprisingly, I wasn’t assigned any algebra classes. Instead, I inherited the upper calculus and analysis classes. Unfortunately, I had (and have) no talent or background in these areas. While I was able to teach the content, I lacked (and still lack) the depth of understanding and experience with the material to create an engaging classroom. I needed to improve my very traditional, very by-the-textbook, very boring lectures. And I needed to do it quickly, as my teaching evaluations weren’t magically improving on their own.
Figure 2. Advertisement for “Study the Masters.” Ohio Focus 8(6)(Spring 2008): 4.
So, in the summer of 2008 I attended an Ohio MAA Short Course entitled, “Study the Masters: Using Primary, Historical Sources in Teaching and Research.” The course was run by Danny Otero from Xavier University and David Pengelley from New Mexico State University.[1] The many benefits to using primary sources were central to the short course and were later summarized in an AMS blog post by members of the TRIUMPHS grant team:[2]
Teaching from primary sources has long been common practice in the humanities and social sciences. Reading texts in which individuals first communicated their thinking offers an effective means of becoming mathematically educated in the broad sense of understanding both traditional and modern methods of the discipline. The use of original sources in the classroom promotes an enriched understanding of the subject and its genesis for instructors as well as students.
In contrast to many textbook expositions, which often present mathematical ideas in a distilled form far removed from the questions that motivated their development, original sources place these ideas in the context of the problem the author wished to solve and the setting in which the work occurred. Problems and the motivations for solving them are more apparent and natural in primary sources, and the works of these thinkers are more compelling than traditional textbook expositions. Exposing the original motivations behind the development of “esoteric” mathematical concepts may be especially critical for placing the subject “within the larger mathematical world,” thereby making it more accessible to students. Further, primary texts seldom contain specialized vocabulary (which comes with later formalism), thereby promoting access to the ideas by students with varied backgrounds [Barnett et al. 2015].
This was exactly what I needed: a technique to enrich my classroom and improve learning that didn’t depend on years of experience with the material. As added bonuses, this method was one that I personally found interesting and it was general enough to be applied across several classes.
Since that short course, my evaluations have improved and my professional activity has expanded. I've been lucky enough to write six Primary Source Projects (PSPs)[3] under the TRIUMPHS grant; multiple publications in Convergence,[4] The College Mathematics Journal,[5] and Mathematics Magazine;[6] and uncountably many[7] anecdotes, stories, and other primary source teaching materials. While I started by constructing projects for real analysis, I’ve now pivoted into differential equations, with multivariable calculus in my crosshairs.
I always hope that creating a lesson using primary sources will be smooth, but it never is. Challenges inevitably arise, and new projects seem to bring new dilemmas. The process often feels like Cantor’s diagonalization argument—as soon as you think you've listed all the issues out . . . you find another that wasn’t on the list. So, please don’t think of the following pages as exhaustive, but rather just as a personal collection of pitfalls and potential solutions that I share to hopefully save you time and headaches. The issues are presented roughly in the order that you may encounter them in the creation of a project, and so there may be a higher probability of experiencing those that appear earlier in this article. Luckily, those are also accompanied by more and better words of advice.
[1] Fittingly, it was David Pengelley at the 1992 meeting of the International Study Group on the History and Pedagogy of Mathematics in Toronto who encouraged Danny Otero to start using primary sources as he revised Xavier's “Calculus from an Historical Perspective” class.
[2] TRIUMPHS is the acronym for an NSF-funded grant, TRansforming Instruction in Undergraduate Mathematics via Primary Historical Sources, under which classroom materials were created from 2015 to 2022. Additional information, along with details on the editorial and peer review standards for PSPs, can be found on the project’s website. The grant’s mission is being continued by the newly-formed TRIUMPHS Society.
[3] You can find these projects at [Parker 2020a], [Parker 2020b], [Parker 2020c], [Parker 2020d], [Parker 2021a], and [Parker 2021b].
[4] You can find these papers at [Engdahl and Parker 2011], [Andre et al. 2012], [Cummings and Parker 2015], [Parker 2021c] and [Parker 2022].
[5] You can find these papers at [Parker 2013] and [Parker 2016].
[6] You can find this paper at [Leanhardt and Parker 2017].
[7] Not actually true.
So you’ve decided on a topic. You now need to find
primary sources, but where to look first?
This one you just can’t escape. Unless you’re a historian of mathematics, extremely well-versed in a certain topic, or just very lucky, you probably don’t have a file of primary sources appropriate to use in a classroom. Every project, PSP, anecdote, or story I use has required some outside research, since undergraduate texts treat math content like it is in the public domain. After all, most of our classes involve mathematics that is well over 100 years old. So you must look elsewhere. But where?
Figure 3. Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz, Jacob Bernoulli, and Johann Bernoulli. Convergence Portrait Gallery.
Here's a mystery to ponder: who first solved the Bernoulli differential equation
\[\frac{dy}{dx} +P(x) y = Q(x) y^n ? \]
Was it Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz (1646–1716)—the German mathematician, philosopher, and developer of the calculus? According to Ince [1944, p. 22], “The method of solution was discovered by Leibniz, Acta Erud. 1696, p.145.”
Or was it Jacob (James, Jacques) Bernoulli (1655–1705)—the Swiss mathematician best known for his work in probability theory? Whiteside [1981, p. 97], in his notes to Newton's papers, states “The ‘generalized de Beaune’ equation \(dy/dx = py+q y^n\) was given its complete solution in 1695 by Jakob Bernoulli.”
Or was it Johann (Jean, John) Bernoulli (1667–1748)—Jacob’s acerbic and brilliant younger brother? Pierre Varignon (1654–1722) [Hairer and Wanner 2008, p. 140] wrote to Johann Bernoulli in 1697 that “In truth, there is nothing more ingenious than the solution that you give for your brother’s equation; and this solution is so simple that one is surprised at how difficult the problem appeared to be: this is indeed what one calls an elegant solution.’
Was it all three? Kline [1990, p. 474] says, “Leibniz in 1696 showed it can be reduced to a linear equation by the change of variable \(z=y^{1-n}\). John Bernoulli gave another method. In the Acta of 1696 James solved it essentially by separation of variables.”
I, personally, love it when this happens, as there is now an opportunity to add clarity to the literature. If you’re curious, Jacob proposed the problem. A solution was published by Leibniz, though all the pertinent details required to actually carry out the technique were omitted. Later Johann gave those details, along with a second solution using variation of parameters.
[*] Whether you're familiar with the catchphrase that inspired this subtitle or not, you'll want to take a look at this YouTube video featuring clips of Dr. McCoy from the original Star Trek TV series.
[8] An updated version of this sourcebook is also available, [Barrow-Green et al. 2022].
[9] The editors of Convergence might have opinions about how quickly I’ll respond. Janet, whatever you asked me for, I’m working on it.
You have identified the primary source with the seed of the topic,
but when you go to find it . . . it isn’t there.
I was working with Janet Heine Barnett on polishing my PSP on higher order linear differential equations with constant coefficients [Parker 2021a], when she noticed that I had cited a certain letter between Leonhard Euler (1707–1783) and Johann Bernoulli as:[10]
Der Briefwechsel zwischen Leonhard Euler und Johann I. Bernoulli – III. 1739–1746, Bibl. Math. (3) 63 (1905) 16–87.
while in an earlier paper [Parker 2016], I had cited the same article as:
Der Briefwechsel zwischen Leonhard Euler und Johann I Bernoulli [Teil] III, 1739–1746 (Seventeen Letters from Euler to Johann I Bernoulli Part III, 1739–1746). Biblioth. Mathem., 53: 16–87, 1905.
She understandably wondered which volume was correct. The Euler Archive lists the citation of E863 as:
Originally published by G. Eneström in the three articles: Der Briefwechsel zwischen Leonhard Euler und Johann I. Bernoulli. I – III; Bibl. math. 43, 1903, p. 344–388; 53, 1904, p. 248–291; 63, 1905, p. 16–87 [Eneström 2018].
It also links to scans of the three articles, from which I used three letters contained in the third of the three articles. Unfortunately, the scans don’t include the front-page information and so, to answer Janet's question, I decided to go directly to Bibliotheca Mathematica to see which volume number was correct. But when I looked, I couldn’t find any Volume 43, 53, or 63! They just weren’t there. So, the short answer to the question is that neither citation is correct!
Now, should I have realized this earlier? Absolutely. But I didn’t. It still needed to be fixed.
All of these St. Petersburg publications should not be confused with the St. Petersburg Mathematical Journal, which is an AMS publication and is the English translation of the Russian journal Algebra i Analiz.
Because of all of this, things get mixed up. In an attempt to clear up confusion for my PSP, I researched the journal in question: Bibliotheca Mathematica. Joe Dauben wrote that Gustav Eneström (1852–1923) started it as an addendum to Gösta Mittag-Leffler’s (1846–1927) Acta Mathematica in order to catalog mathematical literature. Today, this is considered the first series of the journal. In 1887 Eneström split it from the Acta and focused it on math history, which began its second series of 13 volumes. The third series consisted of 14 volumes between 1900 and 1914 [Dauben 1999]. Hence, the volumes in question can’t possibly be 43, 53, and 63. So, what should they be?
I went back to the first page of the first article and there Eneström cited earlier work in Biblio. Math. but included no volume numbers. However, on the first pages of the second and third articles, the references to previous work now included volume numbers—just in an odd format. See Figure 4.
Figure 4. Citations from the first and third of Eneström's articles. Screenshots provided by author.
Putting this all together, I learned I wasn't referring to volumes \(43\), \(53\), and \(63\), but rather \(4_3\), \(5_3\) and \(6_3\). Somewhere along the line, the subscripts got lost and everything became hard to follow. In today's notation, the citations probably should have read “Series 3, Volume 6” instead of “63”.
What happens when you can't read the language that the source is written in?
Danny Otero explained this particular challenge well:
The problem of getting these readings into the hands of my students has been most formidable. I have been able to make do with standard source books in the history of mathematics, but no single source for all of these readings currently exists. I have used Calinger’s Classics of Mathematics as a textbook with some success; it has the added benefit of including some well-written summaries of the history of mathematics that make for fine supplemental reading. By my count, 10 of the 21 readings that form the core of the course can be found in some form in Calinger’s book. One or two other texts can be found in Struik’s Source Book and Fauvel & Gray’s Reader. Still, some of the readings cannot be found in any of these and must be hunted down through the literature and made available to the students through the reserve desk of the university library. Even worse, four of the readings (by Fibonacci, St. Vincent, Briggs, and Cauchy) do not exist in print in English at all. . . . I have been forced to prepare my own translations of these texts for distribution to the students [Otero 1999, p. 68].
Anything other than English is problematic for me. I can get the gist of French because I’m old enough that I passed a language exam for my PhD, and I chose French. I can sometimes recall my high school Spanish. I can guess at Latin. But I’m practically fluent in these compared to my understanding of things written with Greek, Cyrillic, Asian or Indian alphabets. How is it that my most popular projects are from Carl Runge (1856–1927) and Martin Kutta (1867–1944) in German and Giuseppe Peano (1858–1932) in Italian? Here are some strategies.
The history of anagrammatism is a part of the history of superstition, but it sometimes concerns the historian of science. Not only in a general way, as truth is not always sharply separated from error, nor reason from unreason, but also because anagrams were occasionally used by men of science who desired to announce a discovery and establish their priority without running the risk of being plagiarized by unscrupulous rivals.
. . .
Another famous scientific anagram was introduced twenty years later than Huygens’ by no less a person than Newton.[13] In the latter’s very long letter of Oct. 24, 1676 to the Secretary of the Royal Society, Henry Oldenburg, he concealed anagrammatically his discovery of the infinitesimal calculus [Sarton 1936, pp. 136, 138].
Figure 5. The first page of [Sarton 1936].
The referenced letter by Newton was intended for Leibniz and came to be known as the “Epistola Posterior.” It actually contains two different anagrams:
The foundation of these operations is evident enough, in fact; but because I cannot proceed with the explanation of it now, I have preferred to conceal it thus: 6a cc d æ 13e ff 7i 3l 9n 4o 4q rr 4s 8t 12v x.[14]
and
At present I have thought fit to register them both by transposed letters, lest, through others obtaining the same result, I should be compelled to change the plan in some respects. 5accdæ 10effh 12i 4l 3m 10n 6oqqr 7s 11t 10v 3x: 11ab 3cdd 10eaeg 10ill 4m 7n 6o 3p 3q 6r 5s 11t 7vx 3acæ 4egh 6i 4l 4m 5n 8oq 4r 3s 6t 4v, aaddaeeeeeeeiiimmnnooprrrssssttuu.[15]
You could hardly be blamed for not seeing this as a very early statement of calculus.
[12] I’m really just including the following quote because I’d never heard, but very much like, the word “anagrammatism”.
[13] Huygens’ anagram, aaaaaaaacccccdeeeeeghiiiiiiiillllmmmnnnnnnnnnnoooopppqrrstttttuuuuu, was to guarantee priority in the discovery of Saturn’s rings. It was published in [Huygens 1656] and later unscrambled in [Huygens 1659, p. 47] (obviously in Latin) as “surrounded by a ring, thin, flat, nowhere touching, inclined to the ecliptic.”
[14] Ten years later Newton deciphered this passage in his Principia as “Given an equation containing any number of fluent quantities, to find fluxions, and inversely.” Because this passage was originally written in Latin, don’t try to count letters to double check.
[15] Newton deciphered this as “One method consists in extracting a fluent quantity from an equation at the same time involving its fluxion; but another by assuming a series for any unknown quantity whatever, from which the rest could conveniently be derived, and in collecting homologous terms of the resulting equation in order to elicit the terms of the assumed series” [Fauvel & Gray 1987, p. 407]. It is even more difficult to crack the code on this message, as it was not sent correctly. Fauvel and Gray continue, “On counting the letters, one finds that there are two i’s or j’s too few and one s too many. The anagram was inaccurately transcribed in the copy which Leibniz received.”
[16] I realize that I’ve given multiple examples of mathematicians whose actions have contradicted this, but the practice of concealing one's work became less common over time.
[17] See, for example, [Engdahl & Parker 2011], [Andre et al. 2012], [Cummings & Parker 2015], and [Parker 2021b].
You have the source and the language isn't a problem. It's the mathematics.
I was working on a project to use primary sources to teach existence / uniqueness theorems for first-order differential equations. After some research, I was led to Peano's 1890 paper, “Démonstration de l’intégrabilité des équations différentielles ordinaires” [Peano 1890], which supposedly contained the correct proof of his existence theorem (he published the result with an incorrect proof earlier, in 1886). However, when I started looking through the paper, it was impossible (for me) to figure out what was happening, and it wasn’t because I couldn’t read French. The mathematics was entirely symbolic logic and was indecipherable to me. As near as I can tell, Figure 6 displays the statement of the theorem I was trying to teach.[18]
Figure 6. Peano’s existence theorem . . . I think [Peano 1890, p. 204].
Its proof is even more opaque, and I had no idea how to approach this primary source. I admit I was relieved to see that others had similar reactions to this passage. Fulvia Skof in Giuseppe Peano between Mathematics and Logic[19] wrote
It should be remarked that the strong defense of symbolic writing which characterizes his work as a whole contributed to win him the esteem he enjoys today in the mathematical community, and especially among logical mathematicians. But it was also an obstacle to the timely achievement of the success promised by Peano’s brilliant results in Analysis in the early years and by his innovative ideas; for the presentation of the results in ideographic form, distancing the majority of readers, in the end made them little known. This is what happened, for instance, to the important theorem on the existence of a solution to Cauchy’s problem for first-order differential equations and the subsequent extensions to systems [Skof 2008, p. 4] .
There is no way that this is an appropriate primary source for my class. But, can something be salvaged from it?
It was only near the turn of the twentieth century that the idea began to take hold that editors and referees, taken as one large machinery of judgment, ought to ensure the integrity of the scientific literature as a whole. . . . Outside the Anglophone scientific world, referee systems remained rare. Albert Einstein, for example, was shocked when an American journal sent a paper of his to a referee in 1932. The idea that any legitimate scientific journal ought to implement a formal referee system began to take hold in the decades following the Second World War [Csiszar 2016, p. 308].
Little oversight combined with tedious printing technology led to many mistakes and much confusion . . . not just yours.
But as I contemplated the audience I was planning to work with, I realized that these students are already quite accustomed to reading equally difficult original texts in their other humanities courses. After all, in philosophy courses they will often read Plato, Aristotle, Thomas Aquinas, Kant, Kierkegaard, Wittgenstein—in translation, of course, but otherwise unadulterated. In their literature courses they grapple with the works of Aristophanes, Dante, Shakespeare, Voltaire, Tolstoy, Joyce. What’s wrong with asking them to study some of the classics in mathematics, too? [Otero 1999, p. 60]
Beppo Levi recalls, in his commemoration of his Master, that they were virtually unknown until the German mathematician Gustav Mie, in his “Beweis der Integrierbarkeit gewoehnlicher Differentialgleichungssysteme nach Peano,” based on Peano’s 1890 paper—with addition of a study of the uniqueness of the solution—supplied, as Levi says: . . . free re-exposition of Peano's Memoir . . . , freeing it from the new hindrance to reading caused by the use of logical ideography, which Peano had introduced in his own exposition, and from that prolixity that resulted from an excessive preciseness in the statement of introductory observations. It was only after Mie’s work that Peano’s result and his procedure to proof could be universally appreciated at its true value, and could prompt further studies by De La Valle-Poussin, Arzel, and Osgood [Skof 2008, p. 5].
Figure 7. Osgood’s existence and Picard’s uniqueness theorems. Screenshots provided by author.
[18] I only think this because Peano’s note stated, “We can determine in the interval from \(0\) to \(1\) a complex function of the real variable \(t\) which vanishes for \(t=0\) and which satisfies the given differential equation on this interval.”
[19] Remember that biographies can be fertile ground for material.
The history is interesting and pedagogically valuable,
but you can't justify the time required.
A barrier (real or perceived) to utilizing primary sources in the classroom is the amount of time required to teach in this non-conventional way. This is mitigated as we must consider that students aren’t understanding the material as well with our standard lectures. On the other hand, we don’t have unlimited class time to cover the syllabus. And so we have to do a cost / benefit analysis. I’ll illustrate that with two projects that fell on opposite sides of that decision.
After teaching the ODE course multiple times, I noticed that my students repeatedly messed up the connection between the linear dependence of functions and their Wronskian.[20] It isn’t the most clear statement as the converse of the relevant theorem is false. But it can be made true by adding an easy condition that is almost always satisfied by functions we study. Upon researching this theorem, I discovered an interesting story. For years very respected mathematicians, including Charles Hermite (1822–1901), Camille Jordan (1838–1922), and Pierre Laurent (1813–1854), made the exact same mistake that my students make, and Paul Mansion (1844–1919) gave an incorrect additional condition to validate the converse. Giuseppe Peano was the first to notice the mistake in 1889 (luckily this time with with no symbolic logic) [Peano 1889a; 1889b].
Contrast this with my research on the method of reduction of order,[21] with the hope of using it in the classroom. This also involved an interesting story, with two different methods published in two papers (“Solution de différens problémes de calcul intégral” and “Extract de différentes lettres de M. d’Alembert à M. De La Grange écrites pendant les années 1764 & 1765”) by two famous mathematicians (Joseph-Louis Lagrange (1736–1813) and Jean le Rond d’Alembert (1717–1783)), one right after each other (pp. 179–380 and pp. 381–396) in the same volume (3) of the same journal (Miscellanea Taurinensia) [Lagrange 1766; d’Alembert 1766]! The standard method in use today is d’Alembert’s.
For both of these topics, covering the material using primary sources takes longer than teaching the concepts traditionally, but there are other benefits that may justify the time spent. In the first case, in addition to gaining a better understanding of the Wronskian, the benefit was developing a better comprehension of the underlying logic, which is obviously necessary for success across the mathematics curriculum. As such, it was worth creating a PSP for use in the classroom. In the second case, in addition to a better understanding of reduction of order, the benefit was gaining a comprehension of linear and adjoint operators. These concepts aren’t as transferrable to other parts of the standard curriculum, so I judged that it was not worth creating a PSP based on these texts.
Figure 8. Josef-Maria Hoëné-Wronski (1776–1853) and Guiseppe Peano (1858–1932). Convergence Portrait Gallery.
[20] The theorem states that functions \(f_1, \ldots, f_n\) that are linearly dependent on an interval \(I\) will have a zero Wronskian.
It is possible that the early sources contain a method no longer used.
Years ago I felt that I had a great idea for a PSP concerning systems of differential equations with constant coefficients. The first person to solve such a system was Jean le Rond d’Alembert (1717–1783) in 1743, though he gave a better, clearer, solution in his 1750 “Suite des recherches sur les calcul integral” [d’Alembert 1750].
Figure 9. D’Alembert’s system solution. Screenshots supplied by author.
This passage is short, easy to translate, and easy to understand. It uses no college-level mathematics besides knowing that the solution to \(dy/dx =y\) is \(y=e^{x}\), while the modern solution uses matrices, determinants, eigenvalues, and eigenvectors. I suggested creating a PSP around d’Alembert’s elementary solution, but others correctly pointed out that the passage doesn’t really help students learn the expected content. D’Alembert’s method is not useful when the coefficient matrix has repeated or complex eigenvalues, nor when the system is non-homogenous. There is a reason that matrices are the preferred language to describe the method of solution and that d’Alembert’s method didn't “take”.
Sometimes the history actually hinders the presentation of the material.
I’ve not experienced this in my differential equations course, but I do use primary sources periodically in other classes. And sometimes students latch onto the “wrong” stuff. Some prefer to learn more about the dispute between Newton and Leibniz than about actual calculus concepts. Some are fascinated by Georg Cantor’s mental and professional struggles, but they ignore his brilliant contributions to understanding infinity and set theory. Some are more interested in Bernard Bolzano’s isolation, politics, and religious views than the Intermediate Value Theorem.
While I haven’t used any of these mathematicians' writings in my teaching, I am very confident my students would be more interested in Paul Erdös’s peculiarities; Andre Weil’s near execution during World War II;[23], Alexander Grothendieck’s reclusion; Évariste Galois’s death in a duel; Kurt Gödel’s, Niels Henrik Abel’s, and Srinivasa Ramanujan’s fatal malnourishment; or G. H. Hardy’s hatred of photographs and mirrors . . . than in any of their mathematical results.[24] Mathematicians are often just interesting people.
Figure 10. Mathematics has a colorful history, which can both add interest and
create distractions in a mathematics classroom. Image created by the editors.
[23] Or that he was Simone’s brother.
[24] Here are birth and death dates for the mathematicians just referenced: Georg Cantor (1845–1918), Bernard Bolzano (1718–1848), Paul Erdös (1913–1996), Andre Weil (1906–1998), Alexander Grothendieck (1928–2014), Évariste Galois (1811–1832), Kurt Gödel (1906–1978), Niels Henrik Abel (1802–1829), Srinivasa Ramanujan (1887–1920), and G. H. Hardy (1877–1947).
There is rarely a geodesic from the genesis of an idea to its conclusion.
I am currently struggling to solve this issue. I want to figure out a way to use history to help motivate Laplace Transforms. Teaching this concept has been a struggle for decades. In 1963, S. T. R. Hancock wrote of this challenge in a very contemporary way:
In technical colleges one is often called upon to introduce advanced mathematical techniques to students whose background is not very extensive. Such a method is the use of the Laplace Transform for the solution of linear differential equations with constant coefficients. Textbooks which deal with this topic, even those specifically written for engineers, derive the transform from the Fourier Integral, or from Heaviside’s Operational Calculus, or just brusquely define the process [Hancock 1963, p. 3].
Figure 11. Statement of Laplace Transform. Wikipedia.
Laplace Transforms are obviously named after Pierre-Simon Laplace (1749–1827). But that is the only simple thing about their evolution; for instance:
For years, I’ve struggled to find the right way to use the history of this topic to help with the learning. And, I’ve not figured it out. Yet. But, what is good for the goose is good for the struggling mathematician. I’ve . . .
Each of these steps have clarified my path—a bit. But as I’ve not yet cracked the problem, I clearly don’t have all the answers. Nonetheless, hopefully you now know a few common pitfalls to avoid along with some possibly novel potential solutions to help you as you fight through them. And, knowing is half the battle. Good luck with the other half!
Andre, Nicole R., Susannah Engdahl, and Adam E. Parker. 2012, July. An Analysis of the First Proofs of the Heine-Borel Theorem. Loci: Convergence 9.
Barnett, Janet Heine, Kathleen M. Clark, Dominic Klyve, Jerry Lodder, Daniel E. Otero, Nicholas A Scoville, and Diana White. 2015, 20 January. Using Primary Source Projects to Teach Mathematics. AMS Blog: On Teaching and Learning Mathematics.
Barrow-Green, June, Jeremy Gray, and Robin Wilson. 2022. The History of Mathematics: A Source-based Approach. Vol. 2. Providence, RI: MAA Press Imprint of the American Mathematical Society.
Birkhoff, George, ed. 1973. A Source Book in Classical Analysis. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.
Calinger, Ronald. 1994. Classics of Mathematics. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Pearson. (Orig. pub. 1982.)
Csiszar, Alex. 2016, 21 April. Peer Review: Troubled From the Start. Nature 532:306–308.
Cummings, Sarah and Adam E. Parker. 2015, September. D’Alembert, Lagrange, and Reduction of Order. Convergence 12.
d’Alembert, Jean le Rond. 1750. Suite des recherches sur le calcul intégral, troisiémie partie. Histoire de l’Académie Royale des Sciences et des Belles-Lettres de Berlin 4:249–291.
d’Alembert, Jean le Rond. 1766. Extract de différentes lettres de M. d’Alembert à M. de la Grange écrites pendant les années 1764 & 1765. Miscellanea Taurinensia 3:381–396.
Dauben, Joseph W. 1999. Historia Mathematica: 25 Years/Context and Content. Historia Mathematica 26:1–28.
Eneström, Gustaf. 2018. Seventeen letters from Euler to Johann I Bernoulli, 1727–1740. Euler Archive. (Orig. pub. 1740.)
Engdahl, Susannah, and Adam E. Parker. 2011, March. Peano on Wronskians: A Translation. Loci: Convergence 8.
Euler, Leonhard. 1768. Institutionum calculi integralis. Vol. 1. St. Petersburg: Imperial Academy of Sciences.
Fauvel, John, and Jeremy Gray, eds. 1987. The History of Mathematics: A Reader. London, MacMillan Press.
Gillispie, Charles C., Robert Fox, and Ivor Grattan-Guinness. 1997. Pierre-Simon Laplace, 1749–1827: A Life in Exact Science. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
Hairer, Ernst, and Gerhard Wanner. 2008. Analysis by its History. New York: Springer.
Hancock, S. T. R. 1963. The Laplace Transform. The Mathematical Gazette 47(361):215–219.
Harvard Library. 2023. Library Research Guide for the History of Science: Introduction.
HOM SIGMAA. 2023. History of Mathematics Special Interest Group of the MAA.
HPM. n.d. International Study Group on the Relations Between the History and Pedagogy of Mathematics.
Huygens, Christian. 1656. De Saturni luna observatio nova. The Hague, Netherlands: Adriann Vlacq.
Huygens, Christian. 1659. Systema Saturnium. The Hague, Netherlands: Adriaan Vlacq.
Ince, Edward L. 1944. Ordinary Differential Equations. New York: Dover. (Orig. pub. 1927.)
Katz, Victor J. 1993. A History of Mathematics: An Introduction. New York, Harper Collins.
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Lagrange, Joseph-Louis. 1766. Solution de différens problêmes de calcul intégral. Miscellanea Taurinensia 3:179–380.
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So many people have encouraged and helped me on the journey of including historical sources in my classroom. Danny Otero, Janet Barnett, Ken Monks, and Dominic Klyve, are just a few of the many that should be thanked. I also appreciate the countless[25] students that gave feedback, along with the anonymous referees and editors that have improved everything I've written, certainly including this paper. I hope I can pass forward some of their kindness and expertise.
Adam Parker is professor of mathematics at Wittenberg University in Springfield, Ohio. He earned degrees in mathematics and psychology at the University of Michigan and received his PhD in algebraic geometry from the University of Texas at Austin. To improve learning in his classes, Dr. Parker uses primary sources when teaching. Developing such material can be difficult, and this article is an attempt to provide advice to instructors who encounter problems when developing historical modules. In his spare time, he enjoys cooking, eating, trying not to kill houseplants, and spending time with his dog, Rosie.
[25] Again, not actually true.